The
Hung Society
The Model for many later Chinese secret societies including
today's tongs and triads.
by Peter Huston
It was only relatively recently in Chinese
history, within the past five hundred years or so, that relatively
modern secret societies (distinct from religious cults) became widespread.
Although there was a great deal of variation from time to time and
place to place, these tended to follow common, culturally prescribed
patterns.
The Structure and Organization
of a Hung society branch
During the Ching dynasty (1644-1911 A.D.) two styles of secret society
became prevalent. By style we are referring to a certain set of organizational
structures, carefully preserved traditions and patterns of behavior
which their members were expected to follow. The first of these, the
Hung society, was most common in the south. As most overseas Chinese
came originally from the southern provinces of Fujien (Fukien) or
Guangdong (Canton), this is also the style of secret society most
commonly seen outside of China, including in North America or South
East Asia. The term "Hung" means Red, but it is also a homonym
for the Chinese word for "brave." Although Hung societies
continue to exist today, they are often modified in various ways.
Furthermore, although it might not be exactly correct, since we are
discussing the original version of the Hung societies for simplicty
and clarity this chapter will use the past tense, except when referring
to something that specifically refers to the present.
The second common variety of secret society are the Ching or "Green"
societies. These are based on a style more common originally in the
North of China. The Ching societies will be covered in full in a later
chapter.
The basic unit of the Hung society was
the lodge or local branch. It was to the local branch that the members
of a sworn brotherhood owed their primary loyalty. This is the group
that held meetings and from time to time called together members of
the society. In some locations, there existed higher levels of organization,
but these had limited duties. These "headquarters branches"
or "master lodges" (as some texts call them) would not normally
interfere in the day to day running of the local chapters of the society.
Although members of these headquarters branches tended to be old and
respected members of the sworn brotherhoods, they were chosen by the
majority decision of the senior officials of the local branches. It
is believed that generally their role among the local chapters was
quite limited and consisted primarily of arbitrating inter-chapter
disputes so as to avoid needless and unprofitable inter-chapter conflicts.
In some places and times, the headquarters branch had strict regulations
preventing all but themselves from starting additional branches of
the Hung society. At other times, however, just the opposite was true
and anyone familiar with the rituals of the Hung society could start
a new branch any time they were able to recruit sufficient followers.
(1)
Although a society member would see those in other chapters as people
who he had a great deal in common with and should help if possible,
it is important to remember that the Hung society organizations were
primarily local institutions based in a particular place and time.
At times, the local chapters of a society might work together to accomplish
certain goals or aid one another, but it must be understood that the
local groups were generally only loosely united, if at all. During
times of national crisis or a large scale uprising of some sort, the
groups might combine forces. Nevertheless, when this occurred it was
not uncommon for there to be a great deal of difficulty or friction
over the process of choosing a combined leader. Often this proved
impossible and Hung society uprisings were frequently spasmodic disorganized
affairs which bore more resemblance to a widespread riot or prairie
fire than they did to a military operation.
For example, in Guangdong province in
1854-1855, a Hung-style organization known as the Red Turbans rose
up in revolt against the Ching government. Although this was a widespread
uprising which spread across several counties and involved tens of
thousands of people fighting in some battles the rebels never developed
a centralized leadership. (2)
Similarly, even during the large turn of the century Boxer uprising,
effective centralized leadership of the Boxers proved to be a problem.
(3)
Even the members of the so-called headquarters
branch saw themselves primarily as members of their local chapter
rather than as members of a larger organization. In fact, this localized
aspect of the institution may have been one of the key reasons why
the societies spread so quickly and easily. Frequently, the loose
organizational structure made it surprisingly easy to start a branch
of the society. No centralized permission was needed, merely a knowledge
of the oaths and rituals and the desire to do so. This cell-like structure
meant that if one branch died, became exposed to authorities or were
otherwise destroyed there was little effect on other branches. No
single individual could betray the entire organization, because no
single individual had the ability to do so.
Clearly, it is entirely incorrect to
see the many secret societies of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
as a single, large, centrally controlled organization held under the
sway of a tyrannical despot who ruled from hiding. Not only did the
technology prohibit attempts to control the geographically widespread
societies in such a fashion, there was little benefit to the group
as a whole from such centralization.
In many ways, the headquarters branch
of the organization was not really a headquarters at all, but instead
more of an "inter-branch council." Any levels of organization
above this tended to be highly dependent on the personalities of the
people involved. Individuals might arrange for cooperation among the
different chapters for a limited amount of time or a limited enterprise,
but this level of organization was not a normal aspect of secret societies.
These alliances would be more dependent on the power, ability, experiences,
levels of respect, or even favors owed, of the individuals involved,
rather than their official ranks within the organization.
The details of the physical meeting
site of the lodge or branch could vary widely. If a society existed
in a place where it was legal, it could own property or even own an
elaborate temple. When a tong was outlawed, as many were in the former
British Crown Colony of Malya, it might simply hold intricate initiation
rituals in jungle clearings or other secluded outdoor locations. Lookouts
were posted to ensure secrecy and provide warning in the event of
a police raid.
Ward and Sterling, writing from the
early 1920s, have left us with a detailed description of the Hall
run by the "Ghee Hin Society" in Singapore in the late nineteenth
century when the organization was legal and flourished openly. (It
was later banned in the colony of Singapore.) The hall was located
at number 4, China Street and apparently had two stories. As Ward
and Stirling's book is virtually impossible to obtain today, and the
description is rather interesting, it seems worth quoting from at
length:
"Upstairs, attached to the wall,
was a shrine containing the tablets of the Five Ancestors, (note:
prominent characters in the legend of how the Hung society was founded.)
and before it a table on which was an incense burner with incense.
In front of this first altar stood another, on which was a second
tablet with the incense burner dedicated to the late brethren, and
over this hung a red lamp, i.e. the 'Hung Lamp.' On either side
were two chairs. One for the Master and the other for the Instructor
or White Fan. Along the wall on either side were ten chairs for
other officials.
The temple, or lodge room, was square
and had four gates; -north, east, south and west, -and on the uprights
and the lintels were written verses as follows:-
On the Eastern Gate,
'To the East where the element of wood stands it is difficult
to go,
Sun, Moon, mountains, and streams all come from the Eastern seas.'
On the Southern Gate,
'The fiery road to the element of fire is hot,
But in the distance Chang, Ts'uen, P'ing and Nankin it is cold.'
On the Western Gate,
'On the narrow road of the element of metal you must be careful,
Of the two paths it is clear that there is no impediment on the one
which leads to the West.'
On the Northern Gate,
'At the sign of Yin-kui the water is deep and difficult to cross,
But in Yun-nan and Sze-Chuen there is a road by which you can travel.'
On the top of each door was a pavilion,
surmounted by a calabash, which was an emblem carried by one of the
Eight Immortals. (note: The Eight Immortals are prominent
characters in Taoist mythology and ancient Chinese literature.)
The walls were decorated with squares and triangles, and over the
various Gates were hung different types of weapons. The stones at
the bottom of the wall and the boards of the gate were made to look
like dragons' scales. In the middle of the Hall were three gates,
one in front of the other, and beside each gate two men were stationed
who wore red kerchiefs on their heads and carried swords in their
hands.
Beyond these gates stood the Hall of
Fidelity and Loyalty, within which was the genealogical table of the
Founders of the League, which stood in a shrine called Khao-khi, after
the famous temple.... (note: At this point, Ward
and Stirling recount the entire lineage of the society as described
in the genealogical charts on the Lodge wall. We have deleted this
information.) On either side of the names of the Great Founders is
placed two sets of characters. On the right side as you face the tablet
appear the words.
'Yin and Yang united produce everything
by metamorphosis': and opposite on the left,
'Dragons, tigers, tortoises and snakes are assembled!'
Below these, in a line with the Five Tugers Generals, on the right
hand side appears,
'Kin-lan Hall, The Spirit seats of the successive generations
of our kindred,'
And opposite, on the other side,
'Mwan-thao Hall. The ancestral seats of the successive generations
of our kindred.'
Downstairs was the common meeting Hall
or place of worship, and it was usually here that the picture of the
God Kwan Ti was displayed. It was in this room that the Master communicated
the traditional history previous to admitting the candidates into
the Lodge." (4)
As the description illustrates, the
lodges of the Hung societies were intended to be much more than a
simple meeting place. Instead, they were designed to emphasize the
proud traditions and heritage of the groups, as well as remind members
of the mystical aspects of these teachings. In fact, much of the writings
on the wall refer to aspects of the traditional legend of the founding
of the Hung society. (This legend will be repeated and discussed in
the next chapter.)
Today, in most major North American
cities which have a Chinatown it is possible to find the headquarters
of the tongs, themselves branches of the Hung society. To someone
familiar with their names and able to read the Chinese characters,
these buildings are clearly marked. Many of them are quite elaborate
in their architecture. (See photo 10-2 of a Tong headquarters in New
York City.[not incl. here])
Today in Hong Kong, membership in a
Triad society (and the triads are descendants of Hung societies) has
been outlawed and it is illegal to conduct Triad initiation ceremonies
within Hong Kong's borders. For this reason, many of the initiation
ceremonies of the Hong Kong Triads are held in nearby Macao and the
groups meet in hiding.(5)
THE STRUCTURE OF A HUNG SOCIETY
BRANCH
The Hung society structure is intended
to emulate a family of sworn brothers. In China, however, it should
be remembered that not all brothers are neccessarily equal. Although
family members are supposed to love one another and live in peace
and harmony, they are not equals. The Chinese family is hierarchial
in nature. The older brothers are seen as more important than the
younger brothers. The younger brothers are supposed to be obedient
towards the older brothers. This respect for elders, even elder brothers,
is a key component of Confucian teachings. Elders, after all, are
perceived as having superior wisdom, and therefore society benefits
when the younger members of society obey and respect them. In return
for this obedience, it is expected that the elders and superiors will
rule with wisdom and compassion keeping the best interests of their
inferiors and society at large in mind at all times.
It follows that although the Hung society
is intended to be an organization composed of sworn brothers, it does
not mean that it is an organization of equals. Far from it. There
is a definite hierarchy and organizational structure within a Hung
society type organization. Table 10-1(*)
shows the organization of a local branch of the Hung Society Headquarters
or Major Lodge. Table 10-2 (*)
reveals the composition of the local branch. As can be clearly seen,
there was a definite structure to the organization. This structure
led to division of tasks as well as a definite system of ranks and
officers. Although there were many variations on the basic structure,
just as there were many off shoots of the group in many places and
times, this standard structure or some close variant was common to
most Hung society groups.
Each headquarters branch had a leader.
Underneath the leader were two of the most important officers in the
group. These were the Incense Master and the Vanguard. Although these
two officers were of equal rank, their duties differed, and therefore
friction, competition and conflict between them was minimized. Together
they were charged with the organization and performance of all initiation
and promotion ceremonies. Together they were charged with the organization
and performance of all initiation and promotion ceremonies.
The Incense Master was essentially the
high priest of a Hung society. As such he was charged with the responsibility
for the proper performance of all ceremonies and rituals. The Vanguard's
duties were slightly different. Although he had priest-like duties,
his primary concern was administrative. He was charged with the responsibility
of overseeing the expansion of the society and ensuing that such expansion
happened in a manner that would be in the long term best interests
of the group. In accordance with these responsibilities, he was the
only member of the society who could establish independent branches
without the consent of the leader. In at least some societies, the
Vanguard was also responsible for the storage of all weapons owned
by the society.
Underneath these three key officers,
there were five primary officers in a Master Lodge. Each of these
had specific responsibilities and duties. These three officers, the
Leader, the Incense Master, the Vanguard and the heads of each of
the five key sections totaled eight in number. In traditional Chinese
mysticism and numerology, described more fully later in this chapter,
both the numbers five (as in the five divisions) and eight (as in
the eight officers) had great significance. Within the Ko-Lao Hui
(the Elder Brothers Society), a secret society that used and modified
many of the Hung society institutions, these eight officers were referred
to as the Lodge of the Inner Eight. Footnote Six In other organizations,
it seems that these eight officers did not have such an elaborate
designation, but they were quite respected and their duties essential
to the continuing function of the organization.
Much of this information comes from
W.P. Morgan, a sub-inspector in the Royal Hong Kong Police whose landmark
work, Triad Societies in Hong Kong, came out in 1958. According to
Morgan, the officers in the headquarters branch were chosen by majority
vote from among the senior officials of the various local bodies.
These officials not only had the ability to choose these officers,
they also had the power to remove them from office if they were unsatisfied
with their performance. It should be noted that such a structure,
with the underlings able to remove their superiors when dissatisfied,
is contrary to many stereotypes and would contribute to a much looser
pattern of behavior and control than many would suspect.
These eight officers were not the only
members of the headquarters group of a secret society. They would
also have a variety of assistants and others to help them fulfill
their duties and complete their jobs successfully.
The five administrative divisions were
based on function, and for this reason some, naturally, had more personnel
than others. The leader of each divisions was a Senior official who,
although of high rank, was underneath the group's Leader, Incense
Master, and Vanguard. These were the General Affairs section, the
Recruiting section, the Organization section, the Liaison section,
and the Education section. The five divisions are shown on Table 10-1.(*)
The General Affairs section was responsible
for the routine, day to day matters necessary for the well being of
the organization.
The Recruiting Section was responsible
for not just recruiting and related duties, but also official communication
with the outside world. Recruitment included the registration and
investigation of new members. Among other duties were writing and
spreading propaganda. This section was also responsible for social
interaction with the world outside of the group. Ward and Stirling
mention that in Malaya the recruiters were referred to as "Horse
Leaders," although they do not state why. (7)
Having a special section whose duties
included social interactions with the ordinary public and recruiting
showed a great deal of sophistication. These are exactly the places
where many underground organizations go wrong and find themselves
at odds with the authorities. An underground organization that has
lost the respect or support of the ordinary people around it, will
not last long. Equally importantly, a secret society that hastily
recruits the wrong sort of people will soon find all of its secrets
spread far and wide by talkative recruits. Nevertheless, it cannot
be assumed that such an organizational structure always existed. Morgan
was writing in the late 1950s in the sophisticated cosmopolitan center
of Hong Kong. Dian H. Murray, a historian at Notre Dame University,
studied the early days of the Tiandi Hui (the Heaven and Earth Society),
one of the most prominent and influential of the Hung societies, and
discovered that, in fact, the organizations eighteenth and early nineteenth
century recruiting practices were rather haphazard. It was only when
the organization was at its most sophisticated that it could hold
firm to this structure. In the early days, or in places where the
group was young and being spread quickly and rapidly by inexperienced
members, often the recruiting section did not exist. Recruiting and
starting new branches was a job any member could undertake at whim.
(8)
The Organization section was responsible
for controlling the activities of the branch societies, as necessary.
Among its duties were controlling the various branches and inflicting
punishments, when required, on members or non-members. When major
combined operations were undertaken, they were controlled by the members
of this headquarters branch.
The Liason section was charged with
carrying out communications between the headquarters branch and the
member branches. At times, the members of the liason section had special
names, among them being "grass sandals" or "night brothers."
(9)
The Education and Welfare branch was
charged with the maintenance of schools set up by the society for
educating its members children. It was also responsible for general
welfare duties, including funeral arrangements for members and their
families. Funerals and burials have an extremely important place in
traditional Chinese culture. Among Chinese tongs in America, often
one of the most important services to members was the way in which
they would preserve the remains of their members and ensure that they
received proper burial in China. This changed only when the Communists
seized China and put an end to the practice (as well as interfering
with the practice of many Chinese funerary traditions.)
Although each local lodge had its own
officers and organizational pattern. Nevertheless, these tended to
follow the same pattern of five divisions as seen in the headquarters
or master lodge. The chief leader of the lodge was a leader or deputy
leader. Each division, or department, also had its own leader. In
1950s Hong Kong, all of these leaders were chosen for fixed periods
of time and replaced at the end of their term by fresh appointees.
As the duties of each of the five divisions of the branch are quite
similar to those of the headquarter's branches, there is no need to
repeat them in detail here. The important thing to remember is that
the headquarter's officers were supposed to coordinate large scale
matters, while the local lodge members were supposed to coordinate
things which concerned their own lodge.
One key difference, though, lay in the
structure of the local branch's organization section. At the local
level, this division was expected to control a number of "fighting
sections." Each fighting section consisted of ten to fifty members
under the control of a "Hung Kwan" official. The number
of these fighting sections could vary widely and together they composed
the organization's de facto army.
RANKS AND NUMEROLOGY.
There was a great deal of mystical significance
in many of the details of the structure and terminology used by the
Hung society. Within the hierarchy of the organization, each rank
had several names and a number. These numbers had a special meaning.
For example, a leader was also known as a "4-8-9" while
a regular member was known as a "4-9". These titles were
pronounced as a series of digits, not as a single number. I.E "four,
eight, nine", not four hundred eighty nine, or "four, nine",
never "Forty nine."
The significance of these digits comes
from a variety of sources. The first is something known as "the
Magical Number Square", illustrated in Table 10-3.(below)
This table is quite important in Chinese Numerological teachings.
The numbers can be added together in any sequence, be it diagonally,
vertically or horizontally, and the result will always be fifteen.
This has been considered to be magically significant.
Secondly, within Chinese numerology,
each individual digit has a special significance. Some numbers are
considered to be quite lucky while others are said to be rather ominous
or unlucky. Chinese cosmology teaches that it is desirable whenever
possible to have a balance between Yin, the passive aspect, and Yang,
the dynamic, active aspect of things. All odd numbers are considered
to be Yang. Conversely, all even numbers are considered to be Yin.
Certain combinations of digits are considered to be particularly desirable
and fortunate. These lead to a proper balance of Yin and Yang, as
well as a beneficial combination of the digits with their underlying
meaning. Some of these digits are more auspicious when used in certain
combinations. The numbers used as titles for the Hung society ranks
conform carefully to this belief. For instance, every number begins
with four which is even or Yin. In every case, this is followed by
a Yang or Odd number.
When the number four is pronounced in
most Chinese dialects, it is a homonym for the word for "death"
or "die." It is therefore avoided whenever possible and
not normally used much by Chinese. For instance, many Chinese hotels
do not have a fourth floor, as few Chinese would wish to stay on it.
This is similar t the Western practice of skipping the thirteenth
floor. In fact, in places like Hong Kong, it is not uncommon for some
hotels to skip both the fourth and the thirteenth floor in their numbering.
Perhaps the use of the ominous number
four contributes to the Hung society mystique. (10)
(*)
Tables 10-1 and 10-2 are missing.
[TABLE 10-1 Table 10-1 shows the organization
of a local branch of the Hung Society Headquarters or Major Lodge.
TABLE 10-2 Table 10-2 reveals the composition of the local branch.]
TABLE 10-3.
The Magical Number Square.
ENDNOTES
1.
The bulk of this material comes from a few primary sources. Morgan's
Triad Societies of Hong Kong.(1960, Crown Copyright Reserved,
The Government Printer, Hong Kong) is an excellent source for information
on the structure and form of Triad societies in Hong Kong shortly
after the second world war. (The author asserted that these traditions
were in decline during the period he wrote and researched the subject.)
Unfortunately, Morgan tends to skimp a bit on the development of this
form.
Ward and Stirling's The Hung Society.
(privately published, London, 1925.) contained the best possible description
of the societies available to the authors. This was based on extensive
research done during their stint as civil servants in the Crown colony
of Malaya.
Dian H. Murray, in collaboration with
Qin Biaoqi, produced The Origins of the Tiandihui -The Chinese
Triads in Legend and History. (1994, Stanford University Press,
Stanford California). This valuable work contains little information
on the later form of the societies, but it does contain invaluable
information on how they were founded and spread. This source describes
the early, haphazard recruiting practices which had apparently been
changed by the time Morgan wrote.
2.
Wakeman, Frederic. 1966. Strangers at the Gate -Social Disorder
in South China, 1839-1861. University of California Press. Berkeley.
3. It
should be mentioned that the Boxers were based on a Ching style structure.
This would be expected as they orginated in the north of China. Nevertheless,
they shared the same problem of central organization.
4.
From Ward and Stirling, The Hung Society, Volume I., pp.
14-15. London, 1925. Privately published in a limited edition.
5. Macao
is a city located on the Southern coast of China not far from Hong
Kong. There are convenient ferry and hydrofoil services shuttling
between the two locations. Macao was founded in the sixteenth century
by the Portuguese as a base of trade with China. For centuries it
has been a Portuguese colony and at the time of this writing still
is. It is scheduled to be returned to Chinese rule in 1999.
6.
pp. 102-103, "Some Notes on the Ko-Lao Hui in Late Ch'ing China,"
by Charlton M. Lewis. In Popular Movements and Secret Societies
in China, 1840-1950. Edited by Jean Chesnaux.
The internal structure of the Ko-Lao Hui is quite
interesting and described fully in the section on this organization
in chapter sixteen.
7.
Ward and Stirling, Volume One, Page 16.
8. By
way of contrast, see Morgan's description of Hung societies and compare
it to Dian H. Murray.
9. Ward
and Stirling, Volume One, page 16.
10.
For more details on Chinese numerology and number beliefs, a good
beginning reference is Chinese Numbers -Significance, Symbolism,
and Traditions. by Evelyn Lip. (1992, Heian International, Inc.
Union City, California.)
